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  1. #1


    Dahil Pol Sci ang tinapos ko, bigyan naman natin ng sariling lugar ang usaping politika dito sa Gameface.
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  2. #2


    politics is the struggle for power, and people are drawn to politics because that's where the money is ;D
    "Of all the books I read, Facebook is the greatest"
    --sign on a T-shirt I saw on the way to work the other day

  3. #3


    Dahil kapwa ko taga-UE si Mr Amando Doronila, ito ang pangbuena-mano natin sa usaping politika...

    Panlilio bid new Church intervention

    By Amando Doronila
    Philippine Daily Inquirer
    First Posted 02:10:00 03/30/2009

    Filed Under: Elections, Eleksyon 2010, Politics, Churches (organisations), Government

    MANILA, Philippines—The clergy is one of the most underrepresented sectors in the formal power structure in the Philippines, although the Catholic Church has wielded considerable unofficial political power and influence in the country since Spanish rule up to the present indigenous Republic.

    From this perspective, the movement to draft Pampanga Gov. Eddie Panlilio, the Catholic priest “on leave” from his priestly duties, for the presidency in the 2010 national elections represents a precedent-shattering breakthrough in the selection process for the highest office of the land.

    In fact, Panlilio broke the barrier separating the exercise by a member of the Catholic clergy of acting as power behind the throne and as holder of state power in 2007 when he was elected governor of Pampanga province on a reformist program.

    The public and professional politicians sat up and noticed in disbelief, and they are even more perplexed over how far this movement of installing priests in the precincts of power will go.

    If memory serves us right, no Catholic priest has ever occupied elected office since the Philippine Constitution from 1935 mandated the separation of Church and State as a cardinal precept in the relationship between Caesar and God’s representatives in a secular and modern, social order.

    After breaching that barrier in 2007, civil society activists have become overly ambitious in their search for alternatives to the predatory “traditional politicians,” so much so they have now scaled their quest to the heights of the presidency and have reached out to the ranks of the clergy from which to recruit presidential contenders.

    CBCP warning

    The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) has struck down the movement to draft Panlilio for president, warning that if he plans to run for president, “in view of the separation of the Church and the State, it would be best for him to seek dispensation from the priesthood … so he will be free to engage in partisan politics.”

    Jaro Archbishop Angel Lagdameo, CBCP president, said “dispensation from the priesthood” would mean removing Panlilio’s identity and authority as priest, making him a lay person.

    Panlilio has yet to decide on whether to accept the draft from civil society groups who clamor for leadership change from the scandal-ridden current administration.

    The bishops are in a quandary as well. They are acutely aware of the interventions of the Church hierarchy to curb the abuses of the regime of Ferdinand Marcos and the high-profile activist role of the late Jaime Cardinal Sin in the dictator’s overthrow in the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution.

    Vatican policy

    The Vatican under the late Pope John Paul II tried to curb Cardinal Sin’s excessive political interventions. Pope John Paul II’s successor, Pope Benedict XVI, has followed this policy of restraining Church intervention in state matters.

    In his first encyclical, Benedict XVI amplified this policy. “The Church cannot and must not take upon herself the political battle to bring about the most just society possible … She cannot and must not replace the state. Yet at the same time, she cannot and must not remain on the sidelines in the fight for justice.

    “She has to play her part through rational arguments and awaken the spiritual energy without which justice, which always demands sacrifice, cannot prevail and prosper. A just society must be the achievement of politics, not the Church.”

    Rechanneling clamor

    Without appearing to quash the draft for Panlilio, the CBCP sought to rechannel the clamor for alternative leadership change to sectors other than the clergy.

    Lagdameo said: “I believe that our country is not lacking in people from civil society who have the gifts of authentic, credible, moral and patriotic leadership.”

    Since the installation of elections in the early 1900s as the foundation of Philippine democracy, the recruitment base for national leadership has remained narrow and limited to a small class of educated Filipinos—mostly lawyers, professionals, doctors, pharmacists, teachers, farmers and engineers.

    The clergy has recently attracted attention as a recruitment base for alternative leadership because of the widespread public belief that priests hold more stringent ethical values than recruits from the secular sector and are, therefore, expected to be more honest and less abusive than recruits from the traditional sources of candidates for public office.

    Panlilio’s administration in Pampanga has been somewhat compromised and tarnished by his acceptance of cash handouts from President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s office to governors, congressmen and mayors distributed as assistance to provincial projects but also intended to seek the support of provincial officials against impeachment attempts against her.

    Different from Sin

    Panlilio’s intervention in politics is starkly different from that of Sin’s. Panlilio holds state power as an executive with powers of disposal of public funds.

    Sin intervened in the opaque zone as an informal mediator between his flock in the Church and power holders, protecting the lay people from abuses of secular authorities and mobilizing the masses for political action against an oppressive government.

    Sin held no official position and was not the power behind the throne, but power against the throne. This position is what made him as an effective intermediary protecting citizens during difficult relations between the government and the Catholic hierarchy.

    The role sought for Panlilio is to capture the pinnacle of state power in the belief that clerics could do a better and more honest job than the so-called “trapos.”


    The history of clerics given power by monarchs to fight heresy against the Catholic Church or to restore morality and religious faith and religions in medieval Europe is a frightening one.

    Savonarola in Florence and Torquemada, the grand inquisitor of the Holy Spanish Inquisition, to cite a few examples, left an appalling legacy of brutality and cruelty of the risks of putting political power in the hands of holy men, including do-gooders in civil society.
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  4. #4


    Hango naman mula kay Manolo Quezon ---

    Brains without bodies (1)

    By Manuel L. Quezon III
    Philippine Daily Inquirer
    First Posted 07:23:00 03/30/2009

    Filed Under: Politics, Eleksyon 2010

    LAST WEEK I suggested that when confronted with people who want to be president, we should ask, Who has endorsed their candidacy? Candidates presenting themselves for the presidency are like brains, asking to be elected to steer the ship of state, but who don’t have bodies: how then, can they be expected to grasp the tiller? By telepathy?

    As brains, they may be brimming over with ideas; they may have access to vast sums of cash; but for a country that expects presidents to solve problems, and with the least pain for the electorate, the whole current setup is a recipe for frustration and disillusionment.

    In the case of senators, they are well and truly merely brains, bulging with good ideas and who can float around as parties of one, independent, even isolated—and receive public support for it. But a senator who dared to be a maverick isn’t necessarily the person best suited to be a chief executive who has to get both bureaucrats and politicians to work together.

    In the case of non-senators, it’s even more problematic, because while a senator can point to a national mandate, others can’t: at best they can claim a provincial or city mandate; at worst, they can claim to have been given the confidence of a president (and the present dispensation has abandoned all pretenses to competence being a qualification for an appointment, since only loyalty seems to count).

    The more established politicians will therefore validate their candidacies by having themselves proclaimed official candidates of whatever political party they happen to belong to by the time the official campaign period starts.

    Of the two oldest parties, the Nacionalistas and the Liberals, the problem of their putative candidates, Senators Manny Villar and Mar Roxas, is that their claim to being the standard bearers of their respective parties lies more in inheritance than because of actual competition. Much-diminished because of the abolition of rules that fostered parties as electoral vehicles (such as bloc voting, which had given aspiring senatorial candidates an incentive for campaigning along party lines; without it, the Senate became a money and popularity contest fought ought by individual candidates), and martial law, they still have a kind of residual usefulness in some areas.

    Remnants of the old party bailiwicks remain: consider Cavite for the NP, parts of Quezon Province and the Visayas for the LP. There still remain vestiges of the old network of these parties, and whoever claims the mantle of party leadership can say he leads an established national network of some sort.

    However, both parties remain cleaved by schism: the NP has never managed to reunite with the NPC, and the Liberals remain split over the decision of some of its stalwarts to defend or reject the President.

    There are other parties of equally recent vintage, but they tend to be overshadowed by the preeminence of one family, or one or two political figures, who call all the shots: PMP and Estrada; PDP-Laban with Binay and Pimentel; LDP and Angara; KBL and the Marcoses; and perhaps the most formidable of the new post-Edsa parties, the NPC.

    After he failed to assume control of the Nacionalistas, Danding Cojuangco split off and founded the Nationalist People’s Coalition, today far more effective, politically, than the NP; not least because it contains much of the remnants of the old KBL, which in its own time had been meant to be like the Japanese Occupation’s Kalibapi, a movement to absorb the old parties. The KBL practically dissolved after 1986 but had its leaders re-coalesced they could have recaptured the presidency in 1992, if Cojuangco and Imelda Marcos hadn’t split the Loyalist vote; still, the ghost of the KBL animated the Estrada campaign in 1998.

    In fact, Cojuangco’s and Marcos’ defeat in 1992—their victory would have been a colossal repudiation of EDSA only six years after it happened—and Ramos’ victory in that year, followed by Estrada’s victory in 1998, a repudiation of the People Power generation of leaders, all point to the way our post-EDSA political system has been more a case of politics as subtraction, and not politics as addition, which is how the late Amang Rodriguez understood it, and how most people today think of it.

    Earlier than most, the military tactician in Ramos understood that the new multiparty version of our democracy actually made the creation of large national movements, and the mobilization of large national constituencies, a waste of time and resources. In a multi-candidate race where no majority is required, and where no run-off race takes place, success for a presidential candidate is not to get an overall majority, it’s merely to get slightly more than the next strongest candidate.

    Ramos got a smaller percentage of the votes than almost all of the defeated presidential contenders from 1946 to 1969. Even Estrada’s percentage in 1998 was smaller than that of the only non-majority president prior to martial law: Carlos P. Garcia. And Estrada himself, elected to office in the manner of Macapagal in 1961 (he became a Liberal president with a Nacionalista-dominated House), was saddled with a Ramos-era coalition that ended up impeaching him. Macapagal’s daughter at least learned from her father and secured House support and has nurtured it since.

    The most successful party of the post-EDSA years, the Lakas-CMD (itself a splinter party from the old Cory-era LDP monolith), is in the curious position of being a large, nationally entrenched party with a gigantic body but no manhood. It’s only been able to resist Kampi being artificially grafted on as its substitute gonads but that isn’t saying much. The party was methodically emasculated, by the President herself, who first sidelined Ramos, then Jose de Venecia Jr.: clip, clip. And 2010 presents it with the dilemma of a body about to lose its brain. (To be continued)
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  5. #5


    Part II ng naunang sinulat ni Manolo Quezon ---

    Brains without bodies (2)

    By Manuel L. Quezon III
    Philippine Daily Inquirer
    First Posted 22:13:00 04/01/2009

    Filed Under: Politics, Elections

    When the late Eulogio “Amang” Rodriguez quipped, “Politics is addition,” he probably never thought that the day would come when politics, in this country, would be about subtraction and even division.

    Democracy, we are told, is the rule of the majority (with safeguards in place, of course, to prevent the persecution of minorities, who must always be heard). The president, in particular, as head of state and head of government, is supposed to be the president of all the people. And yet when was the last time we had a president elected by a true majority of the voters?

    You can pick one of two options: In 1969, Ferdinand Marcos registered the last real landslide, with 61 percent of the votes. And in 1986, Marcos, according to the Batasan Pambansa [National Legislature], garnered 54 percent of the votes, while the National Citizens Movement for Free Elections had it at a 53 percent for Corazon Aquino, and the country prepared to fight it out in defense of that verdict until the EDSA People Power Revolution overtook the planned civil disobedience campaign.

    Since 1987, only one president has been able to claim a landslide win: Joseph Estrada, whose 1998 victory with 39.86 percent of the votes gave him a 2-to-1 lead over his closest opponent, Jose de Venecia Jr. (15.87 percent). And yet in percentage terms — which is the only figure that counts over time, because our population is always increasing — even Estrada’s victory was still smaller than the only plurality victory of the entire Third Republic: Carlos P. Garcia’s 1957 win, when he garnered 41.28 percent of the votes. In that election, Garcia also garnered nearly twice as many votes as his nearest rival, Jose Yulo (27.62 percent). Yet Garcia never claimed, and no one ever attributed to him, a landslide victory.

    In 2004, we came close to a revival of the two-candidate presidential race. Setting aside the controversial nature of the final results, with 39.9 percent officially for Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and 36.51 percent for Fernando Poe Jr., it’s interesting to speculate what might have happened if the three other candidates (Panfilo Lacson with 10.88 percent, Raul Roco with 6.45 percent, and Eddie Villanueva with 6.16 percent) had somehow united with one or the other of the main contenders. It might have been a landslide one way or another, making efforts to cheat academic, as was widely assumed to have been the case in 1998.

    The only way Estrada could have been stopped in 1998 was for four or more of his rivals to unite. Put another way, the only thing that prevented an immediate repudiation of EDSA People Power Revolution just six years after the event, was that Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. (18.7 percent) and Imelda Marcos (10.32 percent) split the anti-EDSA, Marcos loyalist vote. The veterans of Marcos’ KBL party learned their lesson by 1998, uniting behind Estrada, while the EDSA People Power veterans kept on squabbling and fragmenting their votes.

    You would think 2010 would be even more of a two-candidate race, with the country dividing on the basis of the current dispensation. But it seems it will be like 1992 all over again, with a swarm of presidential candidates, none of which can claim more than a sliver of the overall electorate.

    None of the parties — not even the ruling Lakas-CMD, which dwarfs all the other parties in terms of size and scope — can foster unity because the political strategists have mastered the present rules, which call for the hedged bet and never the big throw of the dice. There is simply no incentive for putting together a truly broad-based, nationwide coalition that can meet the public expectation of being able to govern once elected.

    The assumption of the candidates is that the powers and resources of the office are so vast that if you just manage to get the job, you can go shopping for a constituency afterwards. The only problem with this is that a president who has to shop for a constituency is stuck focusing on retail politics for the rest of his term, while a population with no historical memory but a kind of pre-programmed political consciousness instinctively rebels at the idea of a minority president.

    We aren’t alone in rebelling at the idea of a president elected merely by a minority. Charles de Gaulle recognized in his countrymen the same tendency to be ungovernable unless a president was armed with a clear, majority mandate; and so, run-off elections were instituted. The Indonesians, sharing many of the same characteristics as us, are said to have taken a cue from our post-EDSA People Power experience and instituted run-off elections to prevent minority presidents being bogged down from day one of their terms. The writers of our Constitution apparently overlooked the possibility that a multiparty system is more suitable to a parliamentary government than a presidential one.

    Obviously neither President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nor Congress is interested in instituting run-off elections. The parties have no incentive to coalesce and divide along the lines of administration and opposition candidates, either. The only one who sees the dangers of this clearly is Estrada, who threatens to run unless the opposition unites: you only have one opportunity to put forward a presidential election as a referendum on the incumbent administration, and a divided opposition essentially guarantees that the administration can anoint — in public, or behind the scenes — its successor.

    Everyone assumes that the President’s endorsement would be a “kiss of death” because half the country dislikes her. But beware the lesson of the past few years! A majority of the country opposing the President means nothing when she has the hardcore support of 25 percent of the public, with another 25 percent being more ambivalent but disliking the opposition more than they dislike her. Even if these two blocs fragment, in turn, on the question of the President’s successor, she has enough residual clout (government patronage and dirty tricks aside) to throw chunks of these blocs behind whomever she deems to be an appropriate successor.
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  6. #6


    Mula kay Ron Nathan ng Inquirer ---

    Geithner disappoints

    By Ron Nathan
    Philippine Daily Inquirer
    First Posted 01:25:00 02/19/2009

    Filed Under: World Financial Crisis, Economic Indicators, Markets & Exchanges

    I went into Olaf Pederson’s Chinese Laundry. Behind the counter sat an old man, obviously Chinese. I asked him how he managed to have a Scandinavian name. He said, “When I came to the US many years ago, I had to pass through Immigration. The man in front of me was at 6-foot-3, blond Norwegian and he gave his name as Olaf Pederson. When it came to my turn, I said, SEM TING.”

    I saw a woman with a sweatshirt with GUESS on it. So I said, Implants? And she hit me.

    An economist advised putting money into safe instruments. So I put mine into a violin case.

    Madonna’s nude photograph sold for $37,500. Mine sells for P500.

    My wife asked me for a Valentine stimulus package. I bought her a vibrator.

    I was unable to write last week because of an eye infection. The eye-drops made everything blurred. Years ago, my teacher used eye-drops and could not keep control of her pupils.

    Every month, the previous statistics on job losses are revised upwards, usually by 50,000 to 100,000. This time they broke all records when revising the jobs lost in 2008 from 2.6 million to 3.0 million. Including 600,000 lost in January, this brings the total to 3.6 million; by Easter, it will comfortably exceed 4.0 million. Before the stimulus plan can kick in by yearend, it will reach 4.5 million, especially if the auto industry is forced into bankruptcy. I remain bearish and just bought a solid gold Buddha.

    * * *

    US Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner was introduced as the greatest mind since Einstein and his speeches were written in a hypermarket. So it was with profound excitement that people all over the world listened to his speech. He spoke eloquently and came over as a highly intelligent, dedicated head of the Treasury. But while his speech was wide-ranging, it was woefully short on details and the Dow index dropped nearly 400 points on disappointment.

    Clearly, the plan is so complex that more time is needed to think it through and finalize the details.

    Geithner warned that there might be mistakes and that recovery should be measured in years, not months. This warning was repeated last Saturday by President Barack Obama.

    The number of people claiming unemployment benefits is close to a 26-year high and another large number can be expected for February. More and more companies are laying workers off and running their inventories down. The price of oil is down from $147 a barrel last July to a mere $37. Russia and Iran are suffering and Russia has devalued the ruble by 22 percent in seven months.

    Even if the last quarter of 2008 and the first quarter of 2009 represent the peak of the layoffs, unemployment will keep rising because nobody is going to be hiring this year. Results for the last quarter of 2008 were well below analysts’ estimates and the next two quarters are going to be worse so I don’t see any hurry to return to the market. There will always be bear rallies because volatility remains high.

    The stimulus package was delayed and eventually just passed with 60 votes. The bill will be passed into law today but nobody thinks it will create 3 to 4 million jobs or provide much short-term relief: 39 percent will be spent on infrastructure and energy-related projects, 34 percent on direct spending including increased unemployment benefits and 27 percent for tax breaks, mainly for individuals. But when each individual receives $400, he or she is likely to use it to pay off credit cards or put it into the bank.

    Meanwhile, nothing has been done to stop foreclosures, which are expected to reach 2 million this year. There are plans being drawn up allocating $50 billion from the TARP but it will take time to implement. Meanwhile, house prices continue to decline and the number of houses on the market far exceeds the number of new buyers. The plans may be summed up as too little-too late. There is also a scheme to form an alligator bank, which will open its jaws and swallow all the toxic mortgages. The only suggestion I agree with is to let the private sector join in. The hedge funds still have trillions and are keen to join wealth funds and large private investors in determining the price of these toxic assets. Eventually, it will get sorted out but not in the near term.

    China’s initial stimulus package of $584 billion is considerably larger than the US relative to GDP. Since then, there have been additional stimulus packages for the heavy industry sector, textiles, electronics and telecommunications. The banks lent $237 billion of new local currency loans and the money supply has risen 18.8 percent, the fastest pace in more than a year. Merrill Lynch predicts that China will be the first to emerge from the current crisis and will grow 6.6 percent this quarter. China does not have to worry about exports as it has a huge domestic market to satisfy. There will be further rate cuts and a release of more bank deposits to spur the recovery. Shanghai is the best performing marker this year, up 29 percent.

    * * *

    Dear Readers, it is exactly five years since I joined the Philippine Daily Inquirer, and at 79 I think it is time to give way to someone younger. It has been a happy period and I have made many friends. I hope that you have benefited from my investment advice and been amused by my British humor.

    If any reader wishes to contact me, my email is

    Goodbye and God bless.
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  7. #7


    Patungkol naman sa ating sistemang pang-edukasyon mula kay Nic Poblador ---

    Beyond reform, beyond transformation

    By Niceto Poblador
    Philippine Daily Inquirer
    First Posted 21:29:00 01/25/2009

    Filed Under: Education

    OVER THE PAST YEARS, there have been numerous attempts at “reforming” basic education in the Philippines.

    These include proposals made by the 1991 Congressional Commission on Education (Edcom); the 2000 Presidential Commission on Education Reform (PCER); the 2000 Education for All (EFA) Assessment; the 2006 National Action Plan for Education for All, and the 2006 Basic Education Sector Reform Agenda (Besra).

    Private sector initiatives include programs launched by Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP) and Philippine Business for Education (PBEd). Professional organizations such as Management Association of the Philippines (MAP) also have programs focused on educational reform.

    Educational institutions, such as the Ateneo de Manila University and the University of the Philippines, have their own agendas for educational reform. Recognized scholars, such as former UP president Jose Abueva and UP sociologist Cynthia Bautista, also have come up with their own proposals.

    There is general consensus that our educational system is in dire straits, and that it is not up to the daunting challenges of bringing our country into the New Millennium. There is widespread agitation for change.

    There is no paucity of great ideas and sound proposals for making our educational system more effective in developing the country’s intellectual capital in order to enhance global competitiveness. It’s time to walk the talk.

    But who will do the walking?

    Ready for change?

    For all the brilliant ideas that have been put forward so far, the inescapable fact is that the responsibility for implementing any reform program rests with the three government agencies responsible for administering our educational system: The Department of Education (DepEd), the Commission for Higher Education (CHEd), and the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (Tesda).

    Basic education is under the watch of the Department of Education (DepEd).

    The question I pose is: Under present institutional arrangements, are we ready to put in place an effective change strategy for moving our dismal educational system forward?

    No. Not at this time.

    Sociologist Cynthia Bautista noted in her recent UP Centennial Lecture that most reform proposals that had been put forward were externally generated.

    This poses a problem because, as a rule, entrenched government bureaucrats are loath to accept proposals for change, especially if they come from outside sources. Doing so is tacit admission of ineptitude and an indication that they have not been doing a good job. This will not look good on their resumés.

    This is not to say that DepEd has been totally remiss in efforts at reforming basic education. For example, it has played a major role in the conceptualization of Besra, and will be its major implementing arm. It has been strongly endorsed by the government, and is enthusiastically pushed by top DepEd officials, as well as by educationists in both public and private sectors.

    Strong resistance

    Besra will be strongly resisted by the system, and is doomed to fail. Here’s why:

    It will be strongly resisted by entrenched elements in the bureaucracy and by elements outside the system whose interests firmly lie on the status quo. Implementing a change of such magnitude will jeopardize sinecures and endanger personal (i.e., financial) interests.

    Effective implementation will require empowering lower-level administrators and stakeholders within the community. While decentralization has many advantages, its downsides are easily overlooked. For one thing, it will exacerbate parochialism and turfism, which carry the danger that local issues and concerns will take precedence over the larger interests of society and of the community.

    Successful implementation requires extensive networking arrangements and joint, multi-sectoral decision-making. In the past, consortium arrangements and other forms of collaboration and team effort have failed. There are many reasons for this:

    1. Absence of a shared commitment to a common goal.

    2. Conflicting individual interests.

    3. Perceptions of inequity in the sharing of effort, costs and benefits.

    4. Exaggerated self-assessment of competence (or lack of it).

    5. Differences in status and authority, which hinder meaningful debates and the free flow of information.

    Finally, the proposed change cannot be successfully carried out unless existing performance evaluation and compensation systems at DepEd are drastically revised. This is necessary to insure that its full-hearted implementation is seen by all as enough to satisfy their own personal and professional interests. This is a tall order considering that the immediate outcomes of Besra are in the form of investment in intellectual capital, which is largely intangible and difficult to measure.

    Final solution

    The DepEd is a most unlikely candidate for “transformation” in the Philippine bureaucracy.

    In the many years that it has existed, it has calcified into a hidebound, monolithic- and scandal tainted-institution in the classic Weberian mould. It has gone out of synch with the real world and has become largely irrelevant in today’s knowledge-driven environment. Attempts at transforming such a system are likely to entail huge “switching costs” that society can ill afford.

    Perhaps, just perhaps, the better strategy is to dismantle the present structure altogether, rebuild it from the ground up, and to nurture it (or another entity) into a more vibrant and effective institution. Like General Motors—and Enron before it—it has ceased to be “competitive” and should be allowed to “go into bankruptcy.”

    (This article reflects the personal opinion of the author and does not reflect the official stand of the Management Association of the Philippines. The author is an active academic and a knowledge management consultant. Feedback at For previous articles, please visit
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  8. #8


    Ito ang lumalabas na mga bigating tandem para sa halalang pampangulo sa 2010, sang-ayon sa ating mga bubwit sa daigdig ng politika ---

    MANNY VILLAR for President, VILMA SANTOS for Vice President___

    Ito na siguro ang pinaka-all star na tandem, parehong popular at maraming pera at suporta. Ang ayoko lang dito tiyak na sa 2016 magiging pangulo na si Ate Vi. Ok na sana 'yon, kaya lang tancha ko magiging mas malala pa na FG si Ralph Recto kaysa kay Mike Arroyo.

    NOLI DE CASTRO for President, MAR ROXAS for Vice President___

    Ang tandem naman na ito ay parang 'yung Erap-Angara tandem nung 1998. Ang mahalagang pagkakaiba nga lang dito ay mas may-makamasang appeal naman si Mr Palengke / Mr Pedicab kaysa kay Ed Angara. Sana lang hindi magpumilit si Roxas na tumakbong pangulo at tinitiyak ko na hindi man lang siya aabot ng pangatlo.

    LOREN LEGARDA for President, CHIZ ESCUDERO for Vice President___

    Ito na siguro ang tataguriang "glamor tandem" para sa 2010, gawa ng parehas may tila-star appeal lalo na sa mahalagang botong pangkabataan ang dalawang ito. Sina Legarda at Escudero na siguro ang masasabing kandidato ng henerasyon ng YouTube, Facebook at iPod.
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  9. #9


    Hango sa Inquirer, akda ng dakilang Anak ni Lualhati na si Ginoong Doronila ---

    Nobody got away undiminished

    By Amando Doronila
    Philippine Daily Inquirer
    First Posted 01:48:00 05/15/2009

    Filed Under: Elections, Eleksyon 2010

    Sen. Francis Escudero, age 39, is the youngest pretender to Malacañang Palace in 2010. Asked by anchor Tina Monzon-Palma at the ANC Leadership Forum last Monday what was his strongest point in running for the presidency, he said, “Being young.” But under intense grilling in the glare of TV cameras, Escudero wilted. What’s your weakness? “Being young, according to my critics,” he said. Next to being young, what was his weakness, he was asked again. “I was not born into wealth.” So who funded his campaign for the first district of Sorsogon province? He said the biggest contributor to his campaign chest was his party, Danding Cojuangco’s Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC). The rest came from small contributors.

    Escudero was reminded that in his statement of assets and liabilities for 2007, he declared P7.5 million worth of assets. He was told that the estimated expense for Senate election was P3 billion. So where did he get the money to finance his Senate bid (he won the second highest vote in the 2007 Senate election)? He said the estimate was exaggerated. The amount “is illegal,” he noted.

    The law allows spending P10 per voter (there are 40 million voters). Escudero’s reply begged the issue.

    The anchor told him he is known for being fond of vintage cars. Escudero said he bought and sold vintage cars, one at a time, since there is no space for several cars in his home.

    He said his wife is a music teacher, and they have two children. He claimed he represented the 18 to 40 age group who wants to have a “say in running the country.” More than half of the country’s voters belong to this generation, but do they identify with him?

    While Escudero was quick to answer questions, the anchor did not focus on his record in the House of Representatives and in the Senate. Little was asked about the legislation he sponsored in Congress. And this allowed him to convert the forum into a glib exchange in which nothing of substance emerged. Escudero used every opportunity to picture himself as an oppositionist, whose main achievement was to lead impeachment moves against President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Is this the alternative that the young generation are looking for in the next presidency? In the end the public saw a big bubble with nothing inside except hot air.

    Escudero was among five presidential pretenders who went through public scrutiny of their fitness for the exalted office. The age gap between Escudero and his seniors is rather large: Sen. Richard Gordon is 63, and Sen. Manuel “Mar” Roxas II is 51. Both are experienced.

    Gordon can’t catch his breath when recounting his achievements at Subic. Like Escudero, Roxas, Gilbert Teodoro and Ed Panlilio, he is not tainted with corruption—the main issue against the outgoing Arroyo administration. He thinks he is an agent of change and the first thing he aims to do when elected is to use the office as a “bully pulpit” for a “transformational presidency” by example.

    As a former investment banker in New York, Roxas knows his economics, but he does not excite the public. In the vulgar political idiom of the day, Roxas “does not connect” with the masses. At the forum, one question asked was whether Roxas was using his engagement with TV celebrity Korina Sanchez to put some sparkle to his dull campaign. This question did not do justice to Roxas who has much expertise to offer. But the forum was a revelation. When the five were asked what contribution President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has done to the country, Roxas said, “She appointed me secretary of trade and industry and supported my policies.” Roxas can be full of himself.

    The forum was flawed because the questions were not focused on common issues to mark out their differences. Sparks did not fly.

    Panlilio, 55, is a priest who has not yet resigned his ministry to be a full-time public official. Asked if he is prepared for the rough and tumble of Philippine politics, he said he had entered politics because “I have the passion and heart for the country.”

    He said the country needs “the best people to run government.” But he was not candid enough to recognize that a Catholic priest running for the presidency for the first time faces conflicts of interest over certain social issues. The ANC anchors did not press him for his position on the extrajudicial executions arising from the counterinsurgency campaign. The killings have generated international pressure from human rights organizations.

    Teodoro got off lightly from the grilling when the forum failed to focus on this issue. Among the five, he turned out to be the apologist for the administration when he answered questions on the legacy of the Arroyo administration. He had a long list of the achievements that sounded like a summary of the President’s State of the Nation Address, including the 7.3 percent economic growth in 2007, the low level of unemployment and the infrastructure programs of the government.

    Teodoro has wasted the opportunity to use the defense department as a powerful platform for reform of the Armed Forces and stopping the carnage of leftist activists. If there is a sector in which the tendencies of the presidential aspirants may be polarized and defined, it is the candidacy of Teodoro.

    By failing to crystallize policy differences among the presidential aspirants, the Leadership Forum was of little help to the public in making choices for an alternative to the outgoing Arroyo administration.

    No one among the five presidential aspirants emerged undiminished from the encounter. And we are still in the dark.
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

  10. #10


    Mukhang nagiging masungit mentras nagkaka-edad itong si Doronila. Dapat siguro iyang ANC Forum na 'yan sa UE na lang ginanap imbes na sa Ateneo... ;D
    "Kung ayaw mong masaktan mag-chess ka na lang!"

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